A Complicated Attempt to Clarify the Relationship
between “Gender” and Sex”, with Particular Reference to Transgenderism
Few people seem to realise that the
traditional – and still most popular – feminist usage of the word “gender” (as a
technical term separate from the specific feminist definition of biological “sex”)
is polysemous, having at least two senses worth demarcating. That is to say, the
standard first-and-second-wave, pre-queer-theory feminist (including ‘radical
feminist’) usage of "gender", used most popularly in the construction
“Gender is a social construct”, seems to combine a conception of the concept gender
as:
a) The totality of behaviours,
mannerisms and psychological preferences routinely associated or
bound up (in popular culture, high
culture and in our mental models, to varying extents) uniquely with each
biological sex (/with the much smaller group of intersex or trans-people
readily perceived as women and the much
smaller group of intersex or trans-people readily perceived as men),
&
b) The totality of behaviours
and mannerisms actually practised more
often by one biological sex (/people successfully performing in the
distinguishing way that biological sex performs) plus the totality of
preferences actually held more often by one biological sex (/people successfully
performing in the distinguishing way that biological sex performs).
There might even be a third,
‘internalist’ sense worth demarcating, namely, “gender” as referring to many
people’s folk-psychological essentialism about
males and females, as two ‘Platonic’ types. This is related to conception (a),
because the essentialist categories ‘male’ and ‘female’ in people’s minds are a
distillation of all the behaviours, mannerisms and psychological preferences
associated with each sex. It is different because it is not a conception of
gender as an ‘external’, ‘social’ entity, but a type of mental category.
When
non-queer-theoretic feminists advocate that we should “smash the gender
binary”, I think the majority of them are probably using all these conceptions
of gender. That is, they are saying:
i)
that there should no longer be any behaviours, mannerisms and
psychological preferences routinely associated with each sex in popular
culture, high culture or our mental
models (which covers the third sense)
&
ii)
that (as a means to achieving this end) we should eliminate the average
statistical differences in behaviours, mannerisms and psychological preferences
between the two sexes.
Now, even though the word
“smash” is a very strong one, I assume that some of these feminists do not even
mean anything this extreme when they use this language; some of them probably
just mean that we should reduce the
number of behaviours, mannerisms and psychological preferences routinely
associated with each sex (or reduce the strength of the associations), and that
we should reduce the extent to which men and women behave differently and have
different desires.
I will now discuss another
feminist usage of the word “gender” that conflicts with this one. In order to
facilitate the comparison, I will henceforth call this conception of the
relationship between gender and sex the ‘classical gender doctrine’, and call its
proponents ‘classical feminists’ (despite the fact that many different types of
feminists have held this doctrine).
As the classical feminist
Rebecca Reilly-Cooper notes [https://sexandgenderintro.com/], the standard ‘queer
theory’ or ‘trans’ usage of “gender” (very popular on Tumblr and among young
people generally, used in constructions like “gender comes from within”), unmistakeably
implies something very different: that gender is a metaphysically absolute, phenomenological phenomenon logically independent
of sex (sex and gender may typically align but there is no necessary
relationship between them). Interestingly, whilst many people who adopt this
conception of gender along these lines may also talk of “smashing the gender
binary”, Reilly-Cooper is, it seems to me, correct in her argument that this
conception of gender crucially depends
upon the existence of the gender binary – more precisely, on an ‘essentialist’
or ‘Platonic’ conceptualisation of ‘men’ and ‘women’ as two fundamentally
separate types. Why? Because, without the assumed framework of gender binarity,
it is impossible to make sense of this usage at all: in particular, it is
impossible to make sense, without the gender binary, of a severely gender
dysphoric trans person’s claim that they are “in the wrong body”. Both a trans
woman’s claim that she has “always been a woman” or a trans man’s claim that he
has “always been a man” assume that there is an essence of each gender, because
the conception of gender involved is not merely (b) from above. That is, the
gender dysphoric who makes such claims is never merely saying that they enact
behaviours and mannerisms more often enacted by the biological sex they “want
to be” and have preferences and moods more often held by the biological sex
they “want to be”. Clearly, that is not what these people mean by these
locutions (after all, there are highly camp man and highly butch women who are
not gender-dysphoric). Instead, these people are adopting the essentialist conception of gender.
So even if some people who use
what I’ve called the ‘queer-theoretic’ usage of gender might also advocate the
smashing of the “gender binary” (in favour of a societal adoption of, say, the
understanding of gender as a “spectrum”), no sense can be made of this. In any
case, the idea of the gender binary being replaced by a gender spectrum is incoherent. It can only be understood if
one understands that “gender” is really being used to mean something very close
to “personality”.
In my view, the biggest
locus of confusion in all feminist debate is over the question of to what
extent “gender”, on the classical feminist definition, can be separated from
“sex” on the classical feminist definition – which is often very poorly
rephrased as the question of whether gender is partly “innate” or merely
“socially constructed”. I think that once we get clear on this, we will see
that both groups of feminists are in error.
It seems to me that most
people who weigh in on this debate think that there ae really only two possible
doctrines. The first of these doctrines is what many feminists call
"biological determinism" and advocates call "realism": that
there are "innate" differences in psychological traits (which
manifest in differing behaviours) between the two sexes. The second of these doctrines is what everyone calls
"social constructionism about gender". Unfortunately, this notion is
very difficult to explicate with any degree of precision. Probably the best way
of explaining it is to observe that it is committed to the following
counterfactual: if we somehow raised a generation in a society without any
“gender” in my first sense (without any behaviours, mannerisms and psychological
preferences routinely associated with each sex), then there would be no
“gender” in my second sense (average differences in behaviours, mannerisms and
psychological preferences between the two sexes).
I will claim that these
doctrines are not the only possible options, that both are too vague to be
taken seriously, and that the best doctrine on this question requires a
significantly more expressive vocabulary than is used in the standard
discourse.
Both the idea of a trait
being “innate” and the idea of something being “socially constructed” are crude
notions – although the latter is far cruder than the former.
First, innateness. As Paul
Griffiths has argued in a paper called “What is Innateness”? [http://philpapers.org/rec/GRIWII],
innateness is really a folk-biological concept which yokes together a cluster
of biologically independent properties, which he calls “developmental fixity”, “species
nature” and “intended outcome”. There are, of course, scientifically
respectable descendants of these ideas: developmental canalisation,
species-typicality and adaptiveness. But, obviously, these are still
biologically independent properties.
In the paper, Griffiths quickly
runs through some of the complexities of developmental biology and ecology which
make a mockery of the idea that this folk concept of “innateness” is a
scientifically serious term. He points out that, whilst the traditional notion
of “universality” (which he says should be re-phrased “typicality” in any case)
conflates “the two very different properties of being monomorphic and being
pancultural”, “many pan-cultural traits, such as hair colour or susceptibility
to early onset diabetes, are polymorphic” [74]. He observes that “neither being
monomorphic neither being pancultural has any very strong connection to being
the result of adaptive evolution” [74]. Different
cultural environments, for example, “can systematically induce different
developmental outcomes”, and “in this respect different cultures can resemble
the different ecological zones which induce the same species of plant to
develop into different ectomorphs, for example, a low-growing shrub at high altitudes
and an upright tree at lower altitudes” [74]. He then notes that “The
relationship between having an evolutionary explanation and exhibiting
developmental fixity is equally problematic” [74]. As he writes,
“Developmental
psychobiologists since Lehrmann have documented innumerable cases in which evolved
developmental outcomes require a rich and highly specific developmental
environment. In rhesus macaques, for
example, the recognition of emotional reactions in conspecifics and the ability
to cooperate in agonistic interaction depend on infant social interaction for
their development (Mason, 1985)” [74].
Finally, he points out that
it is an accepted orthodoxy in developmental science that “universality and
developmental fixity cannot be equated” [75].
Now, it’s important to be clear about what exactly this means: it certainly does not mean that anyone using the word “innate” is saying something meaningless
or incoherent (Andrew Ariew’s influential analysis of innateness as
developmental canalisation does seem to be sufficient to defend the Chomskyan
claim of the ‘innateness’ of the language faculty), but it does mean that the term
itself, at least when left unclarified, is not fit for serious, scientific
discourse. It is true that the well-known popular scientist Steven Pinker uses
the term without much clarification in all his books. I think Pinker probably
doesn’t worry about it too much because he’s an adaptationist rather than an Extended Evolutionary
Synthesiser: he basically assumes that all developmentally canalised,
species-typical or sex-typical psychological or behavioural traits are adaptive.
But this is a mistake in any case.
Now “social construction”. The
idea of a trait or set of traits being “socially constructed” is hideously
unclear. It also seems to imply commitment to the related false dichotomies of
biology versus culture, and nature versus nurture. I’m not a greedy
reductionist, but it seems to me that claiming that a given trend in human psychology
or behaviour is “socially constructed” as opposed to “innate” is basically just
a way of avoiding any serious, scientific debate. It’s a slogan. Invoking this
vocabulary is a way of jumping up to a higher level of abstraction where biology
doesn’t exist (despite the fact that we are biological creatures, not angels,
and “society” is a creation of our collective intentionality as biological
creatures).
But I know what you’re
thinking: surely I would accept some claims involving this vocabulary of “social
construction”, for example, the claim that sport is a social construction, or the
claim that at least certain features
of gender according to conception (b) are socially constructed, like the
wearing of dresses by women and the wearing of pants by men.
My response to this line of
objection is, by necessity, quite complicated. When I don my analytic
philosopher’s cap for the claim about “sport” – treating the statement as a serious
academic-grade truth-claim rather than an everyday assertion (a speech act) – I
really do think that the vocabulary is still too vague. What does it even mean
to say that sport is a social construction? From what I understand, sport or
sport-like practices (eg ritualistic warfare in hunter-gatherer societies) are
common to a vast number of cultures. Moreover, I see a very high level of
plausibility in the common claim that sport exploits the same basic human
urges, instincts and proclivities as practices that we are much less inclined
to call “social constructs”, like hunting and tribal warfare (male aggression,
male belligerence, in-group-out-group psychology (tribalist psychology), as well as exploiting various other basic
human desires (the urge for camaraderie and community, loyalty, thrill-seeking, etc) that nobody calls social
constructs. So what does this mean? Well, it means, I think, that to say that “sport
is a social construction” is to tell you nothing.
I don’t think that the claim
that the association between women and dresses, and the association between men
and pants, is “socially constructed” is as unhelpful as that about sport being
socially constructed. The reason is that I think this one is easy enough to
analyse counterfactually: there is overwhelming reason to think that this
gendered sartorial association might
easily have been reversed, both because dress (like car-driving) presumably
played no role in our evolution, and because the gendered sartorial associations
have been different in other cultures (think kilts). It’s more like saying that
a specific sport – say, cricket – is “socially constructed”, which similarly
admits of easy counterfactual analysis. But “gender”, on the classical feminist
definition, is a lot more than just clothes. Ask a slightly different question
and suddenly the verdict is very fuzzy, and suddenly this vocabulary of “social
construction” begins to seem too nebulous again. Is women’s greater (average) preoccupation
with fashion socially constructed? Is it a social construction that makes women
more attracted to, say, floral patterns? Is it a social construction that women
are more preoccupied with appearance in general? From what I understand, a
greater preoccupation with appearance among women – a greater interest in
self-decoration and self-beautification – is by no means culturally specific to
“the West”. And, of course, there are some plausible evo-psych explanations for
why this might have been selected
for. This should be enough to give us pause about applying the same
straightforward counterfactual analysis in answering these questions.
So, seeing as both these
terms are unhelpful, let’s try to actually investigate the question of the
relationship between gender and sex without using either.
In The Blank Slate, the main consideration Steven Pinker adduces in favour of the existence of “innate
sex differences” is the existence of certain allegedly pan-cultural
behavioural and psychological differences between the sexes (and pan-cultural
gender stereotypes). Obviously, he also thinks that the hypothesis of innate
sex differences is supported by other considerations, like the evolutionary
significance of sexual dimorphism (this gives us a reason to expect some average sex differences in
behaviour and psychology), and the obvious role of sex hormones in affecting
not only contemporaneous behaviour but in affecting the brain over time
(prenatally and then again in adolescence) [http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/jnr.23809/epdf]. Pinker may also discuss the
extremely compelling evidence of developmentally canalised average psychological
sex differences that comes from cases of male babies born with the rare condition
known as cloacal exstrophy and surgically “re-assigned” to the female sex at
birth (I can’t remember if Pinker discusses this (and I only ever listened to
the audiobook version of the work, on Youtube)). Here’s what I wrote about this
in my “Formal Defence of Feminism”:
“One of the most compelling
pieces of evidence that male and female brains really are different from
birth comes from babies born with the extremely rare condition known
as cloacal exstrophy. Male babies born with this extremely rare condition are
typically reassigned to the female gender at birth. William Reiner, a
child psychiatrist and urologist at John Hopkins Hospital, was one of these unfortunate
babies. As his name gives away, his role as a girl caused him great anguish,
leading him to re-reassign as soon as he could. No doubt influenced by his own
history, Reiner started doing research on the psychology of babies born with
cloacal exstrophy in 1993. A longitudinal study he conducted on male-born,
female-assigned children brought dramatic results. Of the 14 male-born,
female-assigned children he followed, 7 had declared they were boys by their
teenage years, 5 spontaneously. In the non-spontaneous cases, the change merely
came after the parents came clean about the birth. There may even have been
more cases of gender dysphoria that emerged later; I don’t know, because my
information comes from 2003, in Michael J. Bailey’s controversial book The
Man who would be Queen. In any case, it is astronomically unlikely
that this massive anomaly (7 out of 14 with extreme gender dysphoria) is a
coincidence.”
Pinker’s main source for pan-cultural sex
differences in psychology and behaviour (along with a host of other things) is
what appears to be his favourite anthropological conspectus: a 1991 book called
Human Universals, by a man named Donald
Brown. A summary of the absolute cognitive (emotional, intellectual), and social
generalisations Brown thinks one can make about human beings can be found here:
http://joelvelasco.net/teaching/2890/brownlisthumanuniversals.pdf.
Crucially, for our purposes, Brown claims that in all societies ever documented
by anthropologists or found in the historical record, there have been gender
roles, males have dominated the political sphere, males have been more prone to
violence (particularly young men), women have been more liable to gossip, and
women have been more involved in child-rearing. This does give us good reason
to think that there’s something about the male Y chromosome and testosterone that
encourages traits of dominance and aggression, and something about the female
biological endowment that encourages traits of empathy and sensitivity and
possibly greater sociality or geniality.
One interesting theory that I have about sex
differences, which seemingly no-one else ever entertains, is that our very consciousness
of the different bodies of males and females – women’s consciousness of being
smaller, on average – may help to shape our psychology in a gendered way. It is
a very real possibility (in fact, I think it's a probability) that the very
fact of men's being taller, more muscular and having deeper voices than the
other, softer and smaller sex, affects male psychology to a nontrivial extent –
subtly encouraging males to feel more confident and act in a more dominant way –
and affects female psychology to a nontrivial extent also – subtly encouraging
females to feel less confident and act in a more meek way. One might take it as
a falsification of this hypothesis that the very shortest males are often the
most cocky, but even if this is true, I don’t think it counts as a
falsification, because my claim is subtler: I think that the more abstract idea
of the male being bigger and taller, and the female being smaller and weaker,
may affect our own self-perceptions as specific instantiations of one of these
two Platonic forms, even if we don’t share the attributes of the forms.
So what’s my conclusion
about sex difference? I think that there almost certainly are at least some developmentally
canalised, species-typical average sex differences, the majority of which are
probably adaptations. Environment
obviously matters a massive amount in biology generally, but I think the
evidence does suggest that biological females are, on average, across socio-cultural environments, more likely to be
caring and nurturant, and males are, on
average, across socio-cultural environments, more likely to be cocky, cold
and violent (incidentally, evidence suggests that males in the West are at
least three times more likely to be psychopaths). This further suggests that
these traits may be adaptive.
Relatedly, it does seem to
me that the role of ‘cultural environment’ (gender apartheid in toys and kid’s
clothes, and the massive role of gender stereotypes in popular culture) in shaping
gender is very likely overestimated by classical feminists. Consider these
extracts from my “Formal Defence of Feminism”, in which I adduce the evidence
which seems to impugn this thesis:
1.) “One reason for being
sceptical about the power of corporations to shape gender roles and stereotypes
is that there is some evidence that the more you try to eliminate old-fashioned
gender stereotypes within a free society, the stronger they become. In fact,
there is a fairly strong statistical link between a country’s success in
reaching feminist goals and the divergence of its citizen’s preferences along
gendered lines. This article is a concise, even-handed exposition of the
evidence for this:
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/do-women-really-have-it-better-in-sweden/article15552596/.
The most important point is found at the back-end of the article, and I’ll
quote it here:
“Studies of people in more
than 60 countries around the world have found that much of gendered behaviour
is culturally universal – men in all cultures tend to be more assertive and
less emotionally expressive, while women are more nurturing and co-operative.
But according to one startling research report, the divergence between
male and female personality traits is more marked in highly
developed countries.
The researchers believe the
reason is that people in rich and educated societies are freer to be
self-expressive. As writer Christina Hoff Sommers speculated a few months
back in The Atlantic, “What if gender difference turns out to be a phenomenon not
of oppression, but rather of social well-being?””
2.) “There are more female
science undergraduates in Sweden than America, but they fall away at
postgraduate levels quite dramatically. A nice paper from Leibniz University in
Hannover analyses the data on gender representation in STEM across the world:
http://www.genderandstem.com/fileadmin/user_upload_genderstem/docs/KathrinLeuze_GenderSTEM_Berlin2014.pdf.
The authors of this paper ultimately find four correlates of higher female STEM
aspirations: better school performance of girls relative to boys; a small
service sector; less progressive social norms (Japan does
extremely well, for example); and lower general occupational sex segregation.
So the picture is complicated.”
I would clearly not want to
claim that socialisation and enculturation are not important (no, boys are not
innately attracted to blue, and we should certainly
not be nihilists about getting more women into STEM subjects, or reducing rape
or domestic violence). But I do think that the case for the existence of some
developmentally canalised, species-typical sex differences is pretty strong. I
think Cordelia Fine is very successful in arguing that evidence of cognitive
differences between men and women is extremely questionable in her book Delusions of Gender, but I am not sold
on her total scepticism about all differences. Given all the considerations in
favour of the existence of some developmentally canalised, species-typical sex
differences, I think that the inference to the best explanation is that there
are some species-typical, developmentally canalised sex differences.
So what does this mean for
my position on the conflict between the classical feminists and the ‘queer’
feminists? Well, as I said before, I reject both positions. I reject the
classical feminist idea that gender is “socially constructed” because it’s too
vague. I also reject a metaphysically absolute conception of gender identity
which I attributed to ‘queer theorists’, because I am not an essentialist. I don’t think there’s an
essence to being a woman, or an essence to being a man (no scientific naturalist
does). I therefore don’t think it makes any sense (strictly speaking) to say
that one has “always been a woman” or “always been a man”, and I definitely don’t
accept the idea of a “gender spectrum”, which, as I said, is incoherent.
On the other hand, I do think
that the idea that individuals can be fundamentally more masculine or more
feminine makes perfect sense, because there are average developmentally
canalised psychological sex differences – because there are neuroarchitectural and
neurochemical features that men are more likely to be born with and
neuroarchitectural and neurochemical features that women are more likely to be
born with (I discussed neurosanatonomical evidence of sex differences in my “Formal
Defence of Feminism”). I think that being born an effeminate man or a butch
woman has a very large amount to do with prenatal hormones (Baron-Cohen has
some compelling evidence of this). I do think that we will probably find some
genetic correlates of homosexuality, and I think that sexual orientation and “gender
identity” very likely are linked [https://genepi.qimr.edu.au/contents/p/staff/CV261Bailey_UQ_Copy.pdf].
Crucially, I think that
accepting this basic idea that there are developmentally canalised average sex
differences is the only way of making sense
of the psychology of strong gender non-conformists: the psychology, that
is, of ‘camp’ men, ‘butch’ women and gender dysphorics. The best way a
classical feminist could try to explain the existence of camp men, butch women
and gender dysphorics would be to say that all humans are born with different psychological
and behavioural dispositions (i.e. rejecting some kind of extreme empiricism or
blank slate doctrine) but to insist that there is no average grouping of these
dispositions by sex. On this view, gender non-conformists would have to be the
group of people who are harder to socialise into the gender norms by virtue of
the fact that they just happen to be born with a set of dispositions that strongly
match the socially constructed norms for the opposite gender. But this is an unnecessarily
convoluted explanation (completely defying Occam’s Razor) and, crucially, implies
commitment to the false dichotomy between nature and nurture – imagining that
it could be the case that a whole gender system could be essentially divorced
from biology, which is odd given that we
are biology; we are organic systems, built up molecule by molecule in
haphazard, stochastic processes, constantly affected by environmental inputs, according
to genetic ‘instructions’ which have been altered by aeons of evolutionary
history. There is no personality without a brain, and, whilst it is fair to say
“the brain is shaped by culture”, it is also fair to say, on another level of
abstraction, neurochemistry is independent of “culture”, because on the
neurochemical level of abstraction, all there is is chemistry. Chemical
reactions aren’t socially constructed. Genetic mutations aren’t socially
constructed. Phenotypic expression isn’t socially constructed. Epigenetic
effects aren’t socially constructed. Hormones affect gene expression and
alter brain chemistry, and hormones do this in complete obliviousness to pop
music video clips or children’s toys.
One must never lose sight of
the fact that we’re not that different from any other biological organism
(culture isn’t some magical cloud that overrides biology), and the classical
feminist doctrine seems to entail that we are very different.
So whilst I don’t think that
it really makes sense for a trans person to say “I have always been [the gender
which doesn’t match my sex]”, I think it may almost makes sense, if they are a trans person belonging to the
group Ray Blanchard calls “homosexual transsexuals”, rather than “auto-gynephiles”.
Most homosexual transsexuals probably do have a brain that is more likely to be
possessed by the opposite sex. Obviously, it is something in their biology that makes them want to transition (it
might not be genetic but it could be prenatal), because we are biological
creatures. And it is something that
resisted all the social conditioning that says that we should conform to gender
norms.
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